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598
WYKAZ WYDAWNICTW
Budownictwo
Architektura
(Warszawa)
Filmowa
Agencja
Wydawnicza
(Warszawa)
IHKM
Instytut
Historii
Kultury
Materialnej
(Warszawa)
Instytut
Zachodni
(Poz:lań)
Iskry (Warszawa)
Ks. i W. Książka i Wiedza (Warszawa)
Nasza Księgarnia
(Warszawa)
LSW Ludowa Spółdzielnia
Wydawnicza (Warszawa)
Oss. Zakład im. Ossolińskich (Wrocław)
PAN Polska Akademia Nauk
PIW Państwowy
Instytut
Wydawniczy (Warszawa)
PTL Polskie
Towarzystwo
Ludoznawcze (Wrocław)
I ICH SKRO TY
R
o
z
N
E
PWG Polskie Wydawnictwo
Gospodarcze (Warszawa)
PWM Polskie
Wydawnictwo
MuzYcZ::le (Kraków)
PWN
Państwowe
Wydawnictwo
Naukowe (Warszawa)
JAN CZEKANOWSKI
PWR i L Państwowe
Wydawnictwo
Rolnicze i Leśne (Warszawa)
PZWL Państwowy
Zakład Wydawnictw Lekarskich
(Warszawa)
BALTIKUM
PZWS Państwowy
Zakład Wydawnictw Szkolnych (Warszawa)
Śląsk przy Wydawnictwie
Górniczo-Hutniczym
(Katowice)
Sp. i T. Sport i Turystyka
(Warszawa)
Wiedza Powszechna
(Warszawa)
Wyd. Praw::l. Wydawnictwo
nicze (Warszawa)
Praw-
'.,
UND SKANDlNAVIEN
Die B'; l t i s c h e E x p e d i t i a n, das grosse wissenschaftliche
Unternehmen des Miklucho-Maklay
Etnographischen
Institutes
der Akademie
del' Wisse::lschaften - aus dem sich die Institute fur Geschichte und Recht
der Akademie der Wissenschaften
Littauens, das Institut fUr Ethnographie
und Folklore del' Akademie del' Wissenschaften
Lettlands und des Institutes fur Geschichte und des Eth::lographischen
Museums del' Akademie d~r
Wissenschaften
Est1ands beteiligt haben - hat ein so grosses und wertvolles anthropologisches
Beobachtungsmaterial
gesammelt
und in del'
Bearbeitung
von N. N. Czeboksarow veroffentlieht,
dass es moglich geworden ist eine allgemeine Orientierung bezuglich der anthropologisehen
Struktur der Bevolkerung
des Baltisehen Gebietes zu gewinne::l.
Bekanntlich
hat del' erste in dieser Richtung von Sophie Ehrhardt
gemaehte
Versuch
zu keinen exakt prazisierten
Ergeb::lissen gebracht.
E::st die Anwendung des analytisehen
Apparates del' polnisehen Anthropologie gestattete
die mit versehiedene:l
Methoden gemach ten Beobachtungen auf das Niveau der Schweizerischen
Aufnahme
zu reduzieren
und
die analytisehen
Ergebnisse zu prazisieren.
Die erzielten Ergebnisse habe:l gezeigt, dass die Esten und Val' allem
die Liven in anthropologischer
Beziehung so stark von den Skandinavischen Nordgermanen
beeinflusst worden sind, dass sie diesen :lahel' kommen
aIs die kontinentalen
Deutsehen. Das veransehaulieht
die beigefugte Karte
der Konzentration
des nordisehen
anthropologisehen
Elementes.
Die ganz unerwartete
Feststellung,
dass die Beimisehung
del' ftir die
fillllisehen Voeker charakteristisehen
palaoasiatisehen
Kompenente bei den
Letten starker ist, aIs bei den Esten sprieht dafi.ir, da ss die Periode des
letto-finnisehen
Kontaktes alter ist, aIs der Kontakt der Fi:lnen und Norclgermanen und noch im Inneren des KO:ltinentes stattgefunden
hat.
Nieht weniger wiehtig ist die Feststellung,
dass bei den Esten, dem
grossen A:lteile des nordisehen
Elementes
zum Trotz, die Beimisehung
des lapponoiden
(alpinen) Elementes starker ist, aIs die Beimischung
des
mediterranen,
wodurch
sie sic h von den Nordgermane::l
unterscheiden.
Das gestattet zu sehliessen, dass von den Esten autachtone Lappen assimi-
600
liert wurden, we:1n auch die Hauptmasse
dieser Autochthonen
in slidlicher Richtung abgedriingt wurde.
Das Vorhandensein
der fruher
nicht priizisierten
anthropologischen
Unterschiede zwischen Littauer:1, Letten, Esten und Liven, und der enge
Zusammenhang
der letzteren mit den Skandinaviern
veranschaulicht
das
beigefUgte Diagramm. Es wird dart gezeigt, dass die Esten von de:1 Inseln
und die Letten aus der Umgebung von Libau sich in anthropologischer
Beziehung von den Liven :J.icht unterscheiden.
Die Ekspansion der Liven hat
sehr stark die west1ichen Letten und westlichen
Littauern
beeinf1usst.
Es unterliegt keinem Zweifel, dass die Lette:1 eine von den Finnen beeinflusste Randformation
des letto-littauischen
(baltischen) Volkes darstellen.
Die Anwendung der Methode der quantitativen
a:1thropologischen Analyse hat gezeigt, dass die anthropologische
Gegenwart des Baltikums aIs
ein Ergebnis des Zusammenprallens
der Fin:1en mit den Balten und Germanen aufgefasst werden muss, wobei die Ostseekuste von den Letten vor
den Littauer:J. und spiiter aIs von den Finnen erreicht wurde. Die strittige
Frage ob' die Finnen an der Kuste vor den Gennanen
erschienen sind;
werden erstei:1gehende
kraniologische Untersuchungen
entscheiden konnen.
..
WACŁAW PETSCH
THE VISTULA-DELTA
AND THE PROBLEM OF EAST PRUSSIA
THE PEACE CONFERENCE IN 1919
AT
The aim of this work is to show that a rigorous application of the
theoretic theses of the Peace Conference concerning the State frontiers
(principle of ethnographic
borders) can evoke catastrophic
conseque:1ces
and to draw attention to the faults of the method applied for a realization
of those. principles in practice.
The errors of the method consisted in the fact that data falsely repre~
se:1ting the demographic state of relations have been used as a basis. The
interpretation
of these data also evoked many doubts.
A typical example of a great political meaning (because it has been
connected with the problem of Gdańsk) was the question of the VistulaDelta.
The actual work gives details of the German demographic registration
in 1910 in the following districts: Kwidzyna, Susz, Malborg and Sztum interpreted in the light of the scientific conceptio:ls of Polish ethnography
between the two World Wars. (W. Wakar, K. Smogorzewski). The Commission for Polish Affairs (Cambon's Commission) which had to present the
High Council a project of the solution of above question calculated the total amount of Germa:lS in this territory to be about. 200.000 people. This
figure has no confirmation even in official statistics. Thus, the amount of
Poles in the Kwidzyna and Susz districts has been evaluated only as 700\l
agai:1st 73000 Germans. whereas the German registration
of 1910 gave an
amount of about 30.000 Poles, i. e. 23,291; of the whole population. A school
registration of 1911 quoted by the Polish Delegation evaluated the number
of Poles in that territory to be 37,000 people, i. e. 29,4:[; of the population.
A very important thing to form a proper idea of the demographic statistics
of that territory is th'e percentage of German population which was r:mplayed 1:1 the administration
service and therefore could not be considered
as permanent population. For the territory of Pomerania this percenb6e
umounted to 22,7 of the whole German population.
As we see, the interpretation
of statistical data plays a very important
role. We must also remember that the demographic registration
of 1910
603
602
was tendentious and carried out in conditions of severe oppression of the
Polish population, as it has been known to the whole world. That is why
the author allows himself to quote the opinion of a scholar of world reputation, prof. dr Eugene Rome"r, representative
of the Polish Delegation at
the CO:lference: ••...all the above mentioned quantities
of Poles and Germans are based on official registrations
being more or less falsified .. "
Another expert, prof. dr Kazimierz Nitsch made the following statement: the war being lost by Germany the eleme:1tary justice requested to
joi:1 to Poland the Sztum district without any formalities ..."
Thus, a paradoxal
situation arose, both contradictory
suggestions in
1hc question of Vistula - Delta made at the Conference by the Commission
for Polish Affairs (supported three times) - to adjudge the 'listula-Delta
to Poland and by Lloyd George to make out of it a plebiscite territoryconcerned
an area vvith quite a different
demographic
configuration
th<:n the one imagined by those who had to decide in that question. Now.
this very demographic
situation
had to be the decisive factor of the
expected . )lution. It is to be noted that the spec:ial1y important
for the
Polish independence factor of the geographic situation of that territory has
not been taken into cO:1sideration.
As example of tragic results due to wrong rigorous application of theoretic principles in the rna tter of fixing borders on the CO:1ference the problem of East Prussia has been chosen *). In this article the attention is drawn
to the contradictions
occurbg
between the consequences
of the right of
nations to self-determination
(of the ri~ht to a separate independant
organization of the State) and, on the other hand, between the ethnographic
principle of delimiting State boundaries which is sometimes carried Qut
too dogmatically.
When creating conditions of independe:1cy for a new
State one should not fix its frontiers in a way that would expose it to
constant da:lger from the side of its more powerful neighbours or to economic or transit restrictions,
implicitly paralysing its economic and politic
independence. This very element of the CO:lference activity - the disregard
of the security of small new- created States for the fiction of a quasi
common- security system was probably one of the most tragic faults in the
work of the Supreme Council. The cause mostly contributing
to the rise
of such shocki:1g errors was probably the fact that there wasn't any representation at the Conference, sufficiently powerful and authoritative,
which
knew a:1d could defend the interests of Eastern Europe, a dangerous disproportio:l in dealing with security- problems of West and East Europe
being the result of it.
* In an other work projects
cO:lcerning the Polish access to the sea
have been systematically
reviewed. That work entitled: The que~tion of
the Polish access to the sea and the principle of the ethnographIc
frontiers on the Peace Conference at Paris b 1919 has been published in the
Przegląd Zachodni N. I in 1958.
The Polish Delegation at the Peace Conference being aware of the proper role and character of East Prussia-this
aggressive Germ~n colo.ny In
East Europe aimed to neutralize its offensive functions proposIng to ll1~orpora te same within the boundaries of Poland as an autonomous provInce
or to submit it to the sovereign power of the Ligue of Nations. The Delegation poi:1ted at the same time to the danger of halfway solutions in this
very question, because the cession of Pomerania (West Prussia) to Poland,
leaving East Prussia to Germany would create, no matter how right the
principle of ethnographic
frontiers could be, a permane:lt
fire- brand
territorial conflicts in this part of Europe. The Germans would constantly
aim to reconquer Pomerania
and to create a territorial
co:mection with
East Prussia. Besides, such policy has been unequivocally
announced 111
the Bemerkungen
del' Deutschen Delegatio:l zu den Frieclensbedingunge!1
in the passage conserning the solution of the Danzig problem. The danger
was so much the greater in view of the force disproportion
of both countries and because of the illusions as to the efficiency of the projected security system. Nevertheless, considerations
important for the Briti~h Empire
prevailed, that Power having the last word in this respect, as It became
elear later. The annection of the Germa:1 colonies, and of the German
commercial navy togeth'er with the reparations
seemed to be a more valuable acquisition than the stabilization
of relations in Eastern Europe. So
much the more that Lloyd George, being aware of the energy and expansion potential of Germa:ly, thought it would be more advisa?le to make
greater concessions in the East and to show more understandll1g fo~ German int.erests in this very region. In this way, the greatest aspIratIOn of
the il1ternational
community-the
World Peace became an object of play
betwee:1 the Great Powers representing
their own egoistic interests.
As trace of the historical attitude that Prussia should demilitarize
we
have the Report of the Commission for Polish Affairs dated February
12 th, 1919 a respective passage oI it being: ••...East Prussia ~ill be reconstituted under conditions guaranteed
by the League of NatIOns to secure
its complete demilitarization" ...
(D. H. Miller, V. VI, p. 350 and further).
:)f
H. WILCZEWSKI
ABOUT THE ETHNOGRAPHIC
PROBLEM
OF THE BALTIC SEASHORE
The postulate of the Polish naval ethnography
3:1? the. be~inning of
work as has been planned by the Committee for the ll1vestlgatIOn of the
development
of technics, science, art. tradition and socjal life of seamen,
for the elaboration of a naval ethnographic atlas with dictionary and ~r~ation of naval museumsi:1 other words- the realization
of the declslOn
605
604
taken at the I. International
Congres of Naval Ethnography in 195'! at
Naples does not request a more ample explanation. Whe:1 scrutinizing the
existing literature about the art of building boats and ships, these most
important instruments of work and fight at sea, we must explicitly separate the Scandinavia::l schooners because according to A. Koster the German tribes settled in the delta of the Elbe employed till the first century
A. D. in navigation on the sea big hollowed boats and of course could not
challenge the Roman fleet. They also were not fishermen which stayed
teo long, because they prefered to lease the sea - take to a Roman comI;any. Kuster thought. that the continental navigation has been later taken
over by the Germans from the Roma::ls or perhaps from the Celts. As to
the Scandinavian schooner navigation it probably has a common genesis
with the Slavonic shipping on the Baltic sea. The Germa::l continental
tribes pressing forward towards the Slavonic population settled by the
Elbe were probably also taking over the Slavonic schooner joiners.
It is also known that after the defeat of the Veletic a::ld Obotritic federation the :3' wonic sea corsairy maintained oneself and developed further.
It is worth while to quote the remark of prof. K. Gorski (in his workPoland in the basin of the Baltic) that b Rostock there is even left a street
called Wokrenterstrasse
(the Slavonic word okręt, wokrent, meaning ship).
The Germans proceeded to develop their shipbuilding only in the Ha::lseatic period and in addition with the participation of Slavonic joiners.
Our most ancient naval schoo::1erbuilding developed on basis of our
native primitive forms which were known already since the neolithic period and the Łużyce maritime group was well acquainted with the sea as
well as the posterior groups of Vendic culture which administered almost
the whole southern coast of the Baltic leaving traces in the toponomastics
of ancient harbours and ports among which a very striking name is Lipa.
Lepa, connected not only with a name of a tree (lipa means lime- tree)
but rather with the adjective "Lepy-"
(feans, nice, beautiful). The presence of Kashubian fishermen stations on the Vistula-Mouth Shallow already
in the XIIIth century shows that the boats discovered eastward from the
Vistula mouth were rather Slavonic and the conception of their Prussian
ori~~in is not sufficiently proved, because it ~s known that there remained
a Slavonic populatio::l under the Prussian rule. The boats known from
Gdańsk-Orunia, discovered in 1933 and described by U. Lienau are in principle similar to boats previously discovered in Mechlinki, Charbrow and
Łeba and the way how their covering is connectad wita their coupling
aiso does not differ [raf that of boats found eastward from the Vistula.
The rivers Łeba and Radunia and the waters of the Vistula and the Nogat
deltas formed a comfortable communication system and the last investigations of VV. Lęga prm'ed that the old islands of these delts were constantly settled by Slavs.
It was Lienau who ::loticed that the discovered boats are different than
the ones used by the vikings. They ware not boats of open sea, rather continental boats adapted to navigation in protected waters, especially in the
waters of the delta and Vistula- bay. On the basis of materials elaborated
up to the present time, it is possible to state that the Pomera:lian sea and
Vistula-Delta fishing of the period preceding the Teutonic Order colonization, has been active in the Vistula Shallow. (It is worth while to quote
the words of a Gdańsk scientist, R. J. Selika, who admitted that even in
the beginning of the XXth century the inhabitants
of fishermen settlements eastward from the Vistula mouth had Slavonic features. At the
Vistula bay coast in small pictuI'esque fishnermen ports have been working
shooner joiners who built without drawings, in a traditional way, specific
boast and sailing- ships. (e. g. Modersitzki, the schooner-maker in Tolkmick)
which were carefully described by Szymanski, origbating
from Tolkmick
in his German works. In the material culture of the Elbląg province, as
well as in the whole Warmia province, many relics are still found, especially of village dwellings and it is know:l that the German scientist Dittrich stated that the Slavonic log-huts were cemmO:l on this territory
even in the XIXth century.
RYSZARD GANSINIEC
THE EUCHARIST
IN BELIEFS
AND PRACTICES
OF THE FOLK
The example of Eucharist is used here as a proof that the beliefs and
practices which were later believed to be superstitio::1s, have been originally
official church practices or at least approved by the main Christian circles, viz: monks, bishops, and clergy; these were their authors and from
them only they soaked through to the folk. Next is presented the creative
role of the, Latin mediaeval era during which became finally crystallized
the beliefs and folk practices ruling till to day.
The material is divided mio two big groups: L Church practices, thus
approved and reccomended ones, II. Practices prohibited by the Church
although exerted by monks, bishops and priests. The Eucharist for dead
people is applied in two ways: a) as a sacrament when the Eucharist was
put in the mouth of the dead. This practice is only known through the
prohibitio:ls of councils since the vth century; as those prohibitions wele
constantly repeated till the Carlovingian epoch we ca:l state that this custom has been deeply rooted and that the folk has been very attached to it.
It is undoubtedly due to the fact of late baptism because almost up to the
XIth century only adults prepared by catechumenical
schools had been
baptized. Therefore if somebody died suddenly he was baptized O::l the
607
deathbed, confirmed and received the Eucharist as it was normally applied
to living persons. b) another functio~1 had Eucharist when it was put on
the chest of the dea.d as if it were a viaticum for the way to the other
world. This practice comes from the most ancient, antechristian
tradition
of Greeks and Egyptians to provide the death with food and dri:1k. We
find that tradition in the practices of Egyptian monks from which adapted
it for himself bishop Basil ordering to put the sacred host into his coffin.
The custom passed later to the Benedicti:1es and further to the high clergy
educated by them. This observance influenced the ceremony of altar consecration and outlasted here and there in the cerem:>ny of Good Frida:".
More recent legends about people wanting to have the Eucharist in their
graves refer to the above mentioned custom.
2. The Eucharist
in Christian therapeutics:
numerous data prove that
sL1ce the II nd century, i. e. almost from the beginning of Christianity the
Eucharist has been used as medecine and amulet. Up to the modern times
a so called benediction of senses after the Mass has been recommended;
it consisted i'1 an overlaying of the corporale on the face. This custom
gave the beginning to folk-practices.
The largest expansion in medical
cure (as talisman against demons, sicknesses and vermin) had the Euch2.rist buried in garde:ls and fields to make everything grow well. It has been
given as drug not only to sick people but to animals also.
3. Purga.tio canonica is an eucharistic ordcal which did not come to life
before the Merovingian era. The bishop gave the Eucharist to the accused
who did not cO:lfess his fault, in a very ceremonial form, after a special
8dmonition- if the latter was guilty he died within a year. The Church
sanctio:led this ordeal by including it in the Ecclesiastical law as a disciplinarian means of justificatio::J. for monks, bishops and priests in case of
a serious charge.
4. The Eucharist protection of life and property. The talisman character
of the Eucharist is confirmed and emphasized by bishop Ambrose and by
pope Gregory the first; to those who are carrying the Host it secures safety. The fields which are consecrated by the Eucharist during a processio:1
are protected from damages like hail, drought, mice, insects etc. anel the
crop is secured. Against storms and thunders a priest with Eucharist is
aetive everywhere, the Eucharist or corporale casted into w3ter or fire is
a check for any calamity. This practice existed since the Xth century till
the modern times.
II. Practices prohibited by the Church. The authors and ad vacates of
those practices had also been monks, priests a::ld seminarists
from winch
they passed to the folk.
I. The Eucharist as talisman of property. Sewed into a dress the Eucharist protects from misfortune and guarantees success. Since the XIIth century shepherds having the Eucharist protect themselves and their flocks
a:ld herds against pest and wolves. The Eucharist sewed into a net always
secures a rich catch, thrown into a barrel of wine brings the publican ma~y
customers. Vegetables sprinkled with Eucharist grow better and are free
from caterpillars.
Foresters and hunters used the Host in order to be sure
to hit: this was a German practice.
II. The Eucharist in love magic is uninterruptedly
known since the
XlIIth century up to the present day in various form: kissing with Eucharist in the mouth, blowing in the face of the belowed person after having
taken the communion. 1:1 Italy and in other places the Eucharist has been
added to the food.
III. The Eucharist and foretelling: has been met o::J.lyin legends.
IV. The Eucharist as protection against the devil and witches: casted
into fire or water the Eucharist destroys machinations
and infernal delusio:1s and unmasks the witches.
V. The Eucharist in noxious spell: was applied in a decomposed state
(put under bed or treshold); powdered by means of a pestle evokes storm
and hail; added with feces to sheep food causes pest. (France). The possession of Eucharist was considered in France and less freque::J.tly somewhere
else, to be a proof against a witch.
Ale these practices and beliefs died out under a new intellectual
current- the deism, spreading from England (Scot) through Holland (Bekker,
van Dale) to France (Fo:1tenelle) and from here to other countries. From
the beginning of the fashion for occultism and magic (1450) originating
and cultivated in princely and ecclesiastic dignitaries' courts, and passing
afterwards to the middle class and folk- the i:lquisition court the confessional and the pulpit contributed in a high degree to the pop~larization
of
magic practics and beliefs. When the activity of above mention~d factors
ceased the magic mirage diminished and fi:lally stopped.
MARIAN
GOTKIEWICZ
RELIGIOUS
FIGHTS IN SONGS AND LEGENDS OF SPIŚZ AND ORAWA
The land between the chain of Magura Spiska and the Dunajec river
called Zamagurze Spiskie belonging today partly to Poland and partly to
Czecho-Slovakia
is bhabited
since the most ancient time by a Polish population of Roman- Catholic faith whose number is estimated to be 15.000.
Besides, there are in that place 3 villages inhabited by Lemki which are
of Greek- Catholic faith. Those villages lay on the Czecho-Slovakian
side
and have a population of about 2700 inhabitants
speaki::J.g the Ruthenian
dialect. They were founded in the XVth and XVIth centuries in con::J.ectio::J.with a wave of Wallachian colonization.
609
608
The legends registered in Łapsze Wyżne in the Zamagurze Spiskie trents
of a contention which arose about the right to a village between its Catholic population and the Greek- Catholic Łemki. This would show that the
village being today quite Catholic could co:!tain for some time a group of
'Lemki new- comers who either assimilated with the Polish autochtons or
left the above village· migra ting somewhere else.
In the period of the counter- reformation
in some villages of the Zamagurze Spiskie which belonged at this time to Hungary it came to quarrels about the possession of churches between the Catholic populatio:! and
groups of protestants
protected by their feudal superiors. As an illustration of those relations we can quote a legend registered i:1 Krempachy,
a village in Zamagurze belonging to the Protesta:lt
family of Horwath
Stanchits de Gradec. According to this legend, on base of a mutual agreement of both disputing sides, the verdict had to proclame that the owner
of the church would be the part which first presented a new bar:! baby
of male sex. Luck was on side of the Catholics and they have got the
church. The religius antagonisms in the period of Reformation and Counter- Reformation found also reflectio:l in songs and legends of Garna Orawa which is a land between the Tatras and the Babia Gara where Protestantism was forced upon the Polish population by the lords of the Orawa
Castle. In the second part of the XVIIth century Catholicism won a defi:lite victory in Orawa. Most songs and legends based on the religious fights
date of that time. Some of those legends and songs outlasted till today;
their texts collected within the last few years are given in the present
article.
WOJCIECH
One of the disciplines that get much profit out of the investigatio:1s carried into effect by ethnology is the jurisprudence.
The latter gains when
ethnography investigates the history of law as well as when it deals with
problems of living law, applied today. It is easy to u:lderstand this connection when we think that almost every branch of law has its beginning
in the common law which contbues to playa more or less important role
even then, whe'n the written law is already developing, because then this
law appears mainly in the character of folk's common law. It is importa:Jt
to know this law when working at codification problems, or in normative
questions of law administration
a:ld it plays a certain role in the action of
"
.
colonization, especially when primitive folks are concerned. In our Junsprudence
the great importance
of ethnographic
i:!vestigations
for the
understanding
of the history of Polish law has been recognized a long time
ago because the latter had a prevaliant
common law character. To prove
this statement it is e:lough to quote the works of such connoisseurs of that
law as M. Borzyński, O Balzer, P. Dąbkowski, W. Abraham. Besides law
ćustoms have a meanbg not only for a better uderstanding
of the history
of law but they are also connected with living law and k:!owing them it is
ofen much easier to understand the conditions of today's life. this fact being
of great importance for the legal practice.
The author concludes with the observatio:! that a matter of interest for
the ethnographists
is also the problem ofsocial
and cultural phenomena,
such as proverbs, legends, fairy- tales, folk-songs etc, which often contain valuable information about ethical a:1d legal creeds, the proof being
the rich collection of O. Kolberg. Lawyers ought to pay more attention to
ethnographic
investigation than they do it now.
,
HEJNOSZ
ETHNOGRAPHY
AND THE LAW
The author begins with the remark that ethnography
has an ample
range of investigatio:1s and therefore is in a rather strict connection with
other sciences, especially with history. When dealing with remote past
ethnography meets with archaeology which in its turn bases the researches mostlyon relics of material culture rivalling, in a certain degree with
a:l actually developing new science, i. e. with the history of material culture. In spite of this competition with the above mentioned sciences ethnography reserves for itself almost exclusively a certain domain of social
life phenomena i. e. researches in the sphere of social ideology viz. beliefs,
superstitions, customs a:ld rites. We can state that such investigations interested the ethnology almost since the beginning of its activity, whereas
the methods of research work applied by this science secure the same a dominant role.
WINCENTY STYŚ
ECONOMIC MOTIVES OF PEASANT
MARRIAGES
This article is based on a:1 inquiry conducted in 20 villages of Southern
Poland in 1948, during which information
on 4950 married couples has
been collected. The area of land owned by men and wome:1 when marrying
was used as the criterion of their relative wealth. The manner they chose
each other was taken as the sign of their economic motives.
The average size of allotments give:! by the parents to their children at
the moment of their marriage was the same for both sexes. However, there
was a greater proportion of landless boys and a smaller proportion of girls
who have got the bigest allotments.
37,5;~ of men married women with allotments of the same size as the:i.r
own. 37,7 '1<., married richer and 26,8 % poorer wome:J than themselves. But
only in 24,3 % of all cases the differences of property between the partners.
, I
!
-3Y.,Lud",
t. XLIV.
610
611
were great. This proves that the policy of marrying people of more or less
the same standing predominated.
Anyhow i:l 62,59b of all cases smaller
or greater differences existed and acted as a levelling force on the agricultural structure, the more so, as poor people succeeded in many cases to
marry rich partners, whereas rich often ventured to marry poor but very
attractive perso:ls.
JOZEF GAJEK
AIMS AND METHODS OF THE POLISH
ETHNOGRAPHIC
ATLAS
The work on the Polish Ethnographic Atlas, which has been carried on
since 1954 by the IVth Department of the Institute of Material Culture History - Polish Academy of Ściences, (IHKM-PAN)
was initiated in 1947
by the Polish Ethnographic
Society, which settled the basic cartographic
principles of this publicatio:l. The years 1954-1957 proved to be a period,
of intensive work rn, the Atlas carried on in the Chair of Ethnography in
Wrocław under the supervision of Prof. J. Gajek. An atlas confere:lce has
been organized there in June 1955, over 40 ethnographes, philologists, historians and archaeologists taking part. About 170 maps, made by 17 authors
have bee:1 exposed in 7 rooms and the basic principles of the Atlas as weil
as methods of work were discussed during three days. Some maps will be
included in the trial issue and in further issues of the Polish Ethnographic
Atlas. This publication is at the present time one of the main problems
of the Polish ethnography;
as it is proved by the enclosed bibliography the
• problem of above Atlas has already a fairly rich literature.
The article e:ltitled "Aims and Methodes of the Polish Ethnographic
Atlas" deals in 9 chapters with the main problems connected with the
work on the Polish Ethnographic Atlas, viz:
1. basic thesises concerning the subject and the aims of ethnography,
2. problems and possibilities of the cartographiceth:lographical
method,
3. the carthographic
method and its relation to the system of cultural
facts,
4. the problem of time in the ethnographic
cartography
(the question
of dynamism),
5. Problem of quantitative
defining of cultural phenomena i:l the work
on the Ethnographic Atlas,
8. The question of the liaguistic
carthography
of the Ethnographic
(the complexity pri:lciple).
7. Problems of historical processes and of geographic environment
in
the work on the Polish Ethnographic Atlas.
3. The question of the linguistie carthography
of the Ethnographic
Atlas.
9. Some problems con:1ected with the cartographic technique.
I:l those chapters the author puts a stress on the necessity of givmg
a definition of ethnography,
stating that it is a historical discipline and
as such not 0:11y looks for general genetic laws and names them but is
also interested to investigate the evolution of these laws in respective conditions of folks and nations. Ethnography, defined i:l this way aims, like
history, to concrete investigations
concerning the developme:lt of definite
iolks and their culture. Such a standpoint gives in consequence the impulse
to researches whether a folk (or a tribe) differs b a given period from
its neighbours and what elements constitute a community binding a group
of people into a deffinite ethnic unit. When i:lvestigating contemporaneity
the ethnographer
does not limit his acti vity only to searches of relics and
cultural phenomena of relic character but investigates the culture i:l its
full context and by means of a quantitative
determination
of occuring
changes learns the directio:1 of its evolution. Thus the present is a point
of issue for ethnographic investigations of the past. At the same time, the
contemporaneus
material used for those investigations
ca:l provide suggestions to the reconstruction
of bygone historical processes, to the interpolation of materials in case of ambiguity or when sources are missi:lg;
the above material serves also to complete the picture of the development
of peasant and proletarian
culture, to evaluate contemporaneus 'processes
and to discover evolutional
tende:lcies in a culture of an investigated
nation In further chapters the author discusses the possibilities of elaboration and interpretation
of ethnographic investigatio:ls by means of a cartographic-ethnographical
method .
MARIA ZNAMIEROWSKA-PRUFFE.ĘWWA
MUSEUIvIS AND ETHNOGRAPHIC
SECTIONS
IN POLAND
1. Actual requirements
and summary of the present state. Protection of
folklore relics of the past. The authoress describes the actual requirements
of ethnographic museums and draws attention to the historical and social
value of folklore relices of the past and relics of art. She str~sses that they
are greatly imperiled, this state being especially dangerous in view of the
fact that Poland has bee:l much more devastated by the war than any
other country and is extremely poor as far as folklore relics of the past
are concerned.
The aim of the article is to analize the shortcomi:lgs and the requirements of the Polish ethnographic musem science in order to mobilize efforts
preventing
further irreparable
losses in that line. She makes appeal to
39'
•
612
authorities, cultural and educational social insitutions underlining the i:J.significant investigation possibilities of ethnographic ce:1tres.
2. Summary of the present state a) the quantity of ethnographic
collectio:J.s is quoted in the review of museum assemblage amenable to the Ministry of Culture and Art; the above review deals with collections of Polish origin within the limits of 17 provinces, the quantitative
data being
of the year 1954 (because of editorial difficulties the article has been issued
with a delay of few years).
As per quantity of collections the first place belongs to the Ethnographic Museum in Cracow, which owed in 1954 over 21.000 objects against
about 22.027 L, 1958; next is the Museum of Culture and Folk-Art in Warsaw, owner of about 20000 objects in 1954 against about 21.339 in 1958; then
comes the Ethnographic
Museum in Lodź, which had about 11.000 items.
The enclosed map gives a certain
idea of the special dislocation
of the
ethnographic collectio;1s in Poland in 1954.
European and other continents collections in Poland are further described the greates .. number of the latter being, in the Museum of Culture
and Folk- Art in Warsaw.
The inventory of ethnographic collections of Polish origin gives a certain idea of the collection specification
according to such sections as:
hunting, fishing, shepherding, bee- keeping, cultivation of plants, mining,
architecture
(models of huts) sculpture, folk-woad-carving,
fretwork, all
sorts of implements, especially gingerbread forms, wicker-work,
netting,
furniture, painting on glass, cuttings a:J.d labels, tissues, printing blocks
for tissues, dyeing with dyer's weed and animal dye-stuff, embroideries
and lace-work clothes and folk-dress, decoration and workbg-up
of rawmaterial in the line of pottery, tile manufacture, working-up of skins, metals
and amber; next come articles of rite such as Christmas
marionettes,
mO:J.sters, Easter-eggs, pastry-products,
podłaźniki (spider~like ceiling decorations) toys, models illustrating
folk-dances, musical instruments, therapeutics, legal customs (measures, signs, emblems, fishermen marks).
Beside the collections ame:J.able to the Ministry of Culture and Art, ethnographic assemblage amenable to other institutions
are also described
here. c) Outdoor museums. Here are enumerated
the few remaining on
place or removed relics of folk- architecture
in the provinces of Gda:J.sk,
Cracow, Olsztyn and Katowice.
The administrative
structure of museums follows further and provinces
having the richest ethnographic collections of Polish origin or from other
countries of Europe are mentioned in successive order. (In 1958, i:1 CO;1nection with the new decentralization
policy, the majority of museums
in Poland is passing under the supervision of local administrative
authorities).
3. Requirements of the ethnographic museums in Poland. A coordination
of museum work with other scientific institutions is requested. It is also
necessary to specify as soon possible the character of museums and ethnographic sections and to define the range of their scientific i:J.vestigation
activity embracing a chosen region. Moreover, it is necessary to fix a plan
for the development of museums, taking in consideration their specifity
in particular branches of culture, e. g. hunting, fishing, folk-art or its chose:J. sections etc. At last, the matter of planned gathering of collectiorls has
been discussed, the question of scientific documentation
based on simultaneous i:1Vestigations, as well as the problem of difficulties and shortcomings, resulting
from unsufficient
credits for researches, money for
buying objects etc. Some museums have already proved to be successful
thanks to sporadic collaboration with various scientific institutions,
viz.
!:J.stitute for History of Material Culture-Polish
Academy of Sciences, Universities, State Institute of Ar1;- Scientific Societies, etc. A very urgent
matter of exchanging items with foreign museums and the necessity of
organizing or completion of Polish folk-culture
exhibitions abroad have
been emphasized;
It is also necessary to make a:1 inventory of ethnographic collections in
Poland as per special sectio:J.s and territories in order to complete them
in a planned manner. In connection with that, systematic catalogs of
exhibits and geographic catalogs should be introduced, if wanting. For
this purpose it is necessary to agree upon a conventional systematization
of collections. Very urgent problems for the majority of Polish museums
are those of adequate buildings, sufficient staff, tech:J.ical equipment of
laboratories
for conservation
and photography
and especially a great
shortage of technical foreign literature.
The after-war
difficulties in the
line of suitable premises make the question of organizatio:J. of display
storages particulary
important. (Written in 1955).
TADEUSZ SEWERYN
EXPOSITION
METHODS AND IDEOLOGICAL
STRUCTURE
ETHNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM
OF
AN
RESlJME
Three main types of museum expositions' developed in the XXth century: the storage type, the decorative type and the sC2ntific one. The first
system wants to impose O:J.the visitor by the multitude, the second by the
decorative arrangement
of exhibits. Both types of exposition are obsolate
today, although the fashion for decorativeness has not been yet everywhere
surmounted. The characteristic
feature of the scientific method of expo-
614
stion is the priority of essence before the form. This essence is assigned
by the social aim of the museums. The scientific exposition ought not
avoid beauty.
We consider to be beautiful
such system oi exposition which being
organized in a matter-of-fact-way
gives the visitor also an aesthetic satisfaction.
615
of photos successively presel)ting a plastic head of a mannequin
clad in
a folk- dress was a trial demonstration
of the principle that the main purpose of presenting such non- individual uniform shape of the head is to
turn away the attention of the spectator· from the face of the manequin
towards the very object of the exposition, i. e. towards the dresses. The
voices of specialists at the conference organized by the Board of that
museum voted for the trial head III. The problems how to expose figured
folk-carving
(socles, columns, shelves, grates, niches), embroideries, tissues,
and pottery has been later discussed, as well as the problem of construction of show- cases for a permanent
exhibition of folk- dresses and their
rhythm in the system. It has been stated that standard museum implements of universal application
do not exist, because they are subject to
changes in dependence of the object and character of the exhibition (which
can be permanent, temporary, touring, representative).
Finally the problem
of labels and inscriptions
has been emphasized, their laconism, intelligibility to everybody and strict connection with the theme of the object
being postulated.
~
Projectors of exhibitions in museums arranged in a modern style have
to their disposition principles of symmetry, equilibrium
and uniformity of
the order; they can also apply a system of interpenetrating
and intercutting
forms by means of colour, dynamics of line and gravity of lump, examples
of such methods being found in objects of modern art. On the other hand
no innovation system should be applied which would be unconvincing for
the spectators or distroing the matter- of- fact- order by advancing aestetic factors to the first place.
An important aim of expositions in an ethnographic museum is to teach
how to think historically.
In the Ethnographic
Museum in Cracow three
elements of folk- material culture have been presented in a historic order:
I} how a ma;]. got his food 2} how he dressed and 3} how he dwelled. A supplement to the presentation
of the material culture is the exhibition of the
history of villages showing the development of social and production relations in a Polish village. Only after taki:lg notice of production tools, productive forces and relations in production in historical scale the spectator
passes to the exposition of folk- art, one of the main features of which is
a strict co:>tact with everyday life requests. The range of such a structure
of exhibitions depends of the special plan, the latter being not an improvisation but a product of a long creative work ..
This plan regulates the possibilities of fulfilling the fundamental
problems of the museum, the rational circulation of the public in the premises of the museum the social function of the storages which should be
accessible not only for the scientists, the best administration
of the space;
the avoiding of improvised lavishness in dislocation of exhibits etc. In the
realization of exhibitions all sorts of problems are combined: the style of
work of the museum staff divided into working sections and the participation of country manufactures
in the arrangement
of exhibitions,
e. g.
such as joiners, potters, fullers, ove:1- fitters, oilmakers etc.; the Skansen
type exposition fitted in the museum building and performed by the conservator, architect and joiner a:J.d the exposition of folk-dances
made by
the sculptor, costumer and choreographer;
appeal to the sense of sight
and to the sense of smell in the perception of the objective truth of the
expositions as well as problems of light and of engagbg naturalistic
elements (pulled out of nature) to modern exposition- to say the truth in a definite proportion - to the space occupied by the cultural products. An important problem IS the question of exposition of folk costumes. The series
.~
617
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